[Abstract] From the written records in the "Guizhou General Records" of the Jiajing period to the graphic presentation in the "Illustrated History of Miao and Man in Southern Guizhou" of the Guangxu period, the basic form of Nuo performed by the villagers - door-to-door exorcism - has been passed down in northeastern Guizhou for at least three hundred years. In the process of door-to-door exorcism in this area, a new form of Nuo culture - Chong Nuo fulfillment of vows - has also evolved. It is still unclear when Chong Nuo fulfillment of vows first appeared in this area, but according to relevant documents, it was formed no later than the Qianlong period of the Qing Dynasty. Chong Nuo fulfillment of vows is obviously different from door-to-door exorcism, but the shadow of door-to-door exorcism can still be seen in it. In short, Chong Nuo fulfillment of vows evolved on the basis of door-to-door exorcism. Door-to-door exorcism evolved into Chong Nuo fulfillment of vows, and the witch played an important role in it.
[Keywords] Nuo performed by villagers; exorcising epidemic diseases from door to door; performing Nuo to fulfill vows; inheritance; variation
1. Introduction
Mr. Kang Baocheng devoted a chapter in his book The Origin and Development of Nuo Opera to an in-depth discussion of the basic form of Nuo opera among villagers - expelling pests from door to door, and its origin and relationship with various art forms [①]. When discussing how expelling pests from door to door gave birth to or derived certain art forms, Mr. Kang pointed out:
Some art forms were bred or derived from the door-to-door exorcism activities, which were generally related to "gods" or "witches" visiting people to eliminate disasters and diseases, or the host family's gratitude to gods and fulfilling vows. Logically speaking, since the purpose of exorcism is to exorcise disasters and diseases and seek peace, it is not difficult to understand that the exorcism activities in some areas later expanded from exorcising epidemics from door to door at the end of the year to exorcising epidemics from door to door and street during the Lantern Festival, Dragon Boat Festival and autumn harvest; and then developed to inviting "gods", "witches" and "Duan Gong" to their own halls to perform exorcism and fulfill vows at any time when encountering disasters or diseases. The so-called "Nuoyuan Opera" and "Nuotang Opera" originated from this. [②].
This discussion shows us the origin and development relationship between the basic form of the rural Nuo, exorcising epidemics from door to door, and the Chong Nuo vow-fulfilling (i.e., Nuo vow-fulfilling opera and Nuotang opera) popular in the neighboring areas of Hunan, Hubei, Sichuan, and Guizhou. We should not only ask: How is the inheritance of exorcising epidemics from door to door in this area? Is there any evidence to prove that Chong Nuo vow-fulfilling opera evolved from exorcising epidemics from door to door? Here, I will take the northeastern Guizhou region [③] as an example to examine the inheritance and variation of the basic form of the rural Nuo, exorcising epidemics from door to door, in northeastern Guizhou.
2. Expelling the epidemic from door to door: the inheritance of the Nuo dance in northeast Guizhou
Guizhou is a province with a relatively high concentration of Nuo cultural relics, and it retains various forms of Nuo culture. Northeast Guizhou is the region where the practice of performing Nuo rituals is most concentrated. However, Nuo is not a cultural phenomenon inherent to Northeast Guizhou, but an external one. The late famous folklorist Mr. Zhang Zichen pointed out in his article "The Transmission and Variation of Chinese Nuo Culture": "After the Song Dynasty, it was the period when Nuo rituals spread most to the south. There were generally two transmission routes. The western route was from Qinzhong to Jingchu, Baxiang, and then to Guizhou. The unique Guizhou Nuo opera was formed." [④] Mr. Zhang not only believed that the Nuo in Guizhou was an external one, but also believed that it was the Nuo rituals that were introduced, and then the Nuo opera was formed. Dr. Li Lan also believed that "Nuo was introduced from outside" through the interpretation of a myth circulated in Northeast Guizhou [⑤]. The Nuotang opera libretto also includes lines like "My home is in Cuiping Village, Shizi County, Nanchang" and "My home is in Qipan County, Nanchang, the place name is Kuzhuping" and "My ancestors were originally from Hunan and Hubei, and came to Yunnan and Guizhou to show their power and influence", which to some extent illustrate that Nuo was introduced to northeastern Guizhou from outside.
Then the question that follows is: what form of Nuo was introduced from outside to Northeast Guizhou? Was it the Nuo of villagers who go door to door to expel the plague, or the current Nuo performance (Nuotang Opera)? After all, the annual Nuo of villagers who go door to door to expel the plague is no longer seen in Northeast Guizhou. In other words, has the basic form of Nuo of villagers - expelling the plague from door to door - been passed down in Northeast Guizhou? The answer is yes.
Although there are not many records in Guizhou local chronicles about collective exorcism and epidemic-eliminating activities at specific times, there are still some sporadic records.
Jiajing "Guizhou General Records":
On New Year’s Eve, people prepare sacrificial offerings, build straw boats, line up paper horses, and set out torches. Heads of households supervise the process of driving ghosts around the house, shouting and yelling as if to rebuke them. This is called “driving ghosts”, which is the same as the ancient Nuo ritual. [⑥]
Although the above expulsion did not specify the situation of the expulsion team, judging from the fact that "parents supervised them", it should be children who played the leading role in expelling Nuo. And judging from the fact that "they shouted and roared in every room", it is obviously not done by one child, but by a group of children. Therefore, it can be said that the expulsion on New Year's Eve described in the "Guizhou General Records" belongs to a collective door-to-door expulsion activity. This "New Year's Eve expulsion" is listed in the "seasonal" entry of the Xuanwei Division of the Guizhou Provincial Administration Department. In the "seasonal" entry of the four prefectures of Sizhou, Sinan, Shiqian, and Tongren in the General Records, there is the phrase "same as the Xuanwei Division", that is, the above-mentioned New Year's Eve expulsion, Sizhou and other four prefectures also have New Year's Eve expulsion activities. The jurisdiction of the four prefectures of Sizhou, Sinan, Shiqian, and Tongren is basically consistent with the northeastern Guizhou region we mentioned. In short, there were door-to-door expulsion activities in the northeastern Guizhou region at least during the Jiajing period of the Ming Dynasty.
Kangxi's "Book of Guizhou" (Part 1):
There are many natives...At the beginning of the year, they welcome the mountain goblins and perform Nuo rituals in every village. Men dress up like they are performing community festivals, beat drums and sing god songs. Every family they visit will eat and drink. Those in the Caodisi of Liping Prefecture often want to spread their ancestry. [⑦]
The expulsion activity of the "natives" recorded by Tian Wen was at the "beginning of the year" and was held in the "village". The form was "going from village to village as Nuo" and expelling the epidemic door to door, which can be seen from "every family they went to eat and drink". The Nuo team included actors and people who played musical instruments, as the saying goes, "men dressed up like community fire, beat drums and sang divine songs". Obviously, this expulsion activity was a collective door-to-door expulsion of the epidemic held at a specific time. "Those in Caodisi, Liping Prefecture, are mostly descendants of Sibo" tells us that the "natives" who held this door-to-door expulsion activity in Caodisi, Liping Prefecture, were mostly immigrants from Sizhou and Bozhou. And most of the areas of Sizhou and Bozhou in history coincide with the current northeastern Guizhou region. It is not difficult to imagine that the tribes of the natives in Sizhou and Bozhou would also hold this door-to-door expulsion activity at the beginning of the year.
In addition to the above textual records, the Miao and Man pictures handed down from generation to generation [⑧] also depict the scenes of the “natives” “performing Nuo in each village”:
This picture gives us a vivid and intuitive understanding of the expulsion of the "natives", and tells us more detailed information about the expulsion of the "natives": the Nuo team is composed of eight people, two (should be children) holding flags, one wearing a mask and holding a spear, as if driving something (it is easy to think of Fang Xiangshi holding a spear and raising a shield), and five people are the band; the instruments used include drums, gongs, cymbals, and long tube trumpets. This small Nuo team is obviously a rural Nuo. "Qiannan Miao Man Tushu" was written in the late Qing Dynasty during the Guangxu period. If the Nuo expulsion scene in the picture was made by the illustrator based on what he saw with his own eyes, then as late as the Guangxu period of the Qing Dynasty, there were still collective door-to-door expulsion activities in the northeastern Guizhou region at specific times.
In summary, whether it is "New Year's Eve" or "New Year's Day", it shows that the local Nuo activities are carried out at a specific time. Whether it is "driving and shouting in every room" or "performing Nuo in every village", it is a collective door-to-door activity of expelling epidemics. In other words, door-to-door expelling epidemics has been passed down in Northeast Guizhou. Not only that, in the process of inheritance of door-to-door expelling epidemics in Northeast Guizhou, a new form has evolved - performing Nuo to fulfill a vow.
3. Performing Nuo to fulfill a vow: the variation of the rural Nuo in northeast Guizhou
If we count from the Jiajing "Guizhou General Records" to the Guangxu "Qiannan Miao Man Illustrated History", the practice of exorcising epidemics from door to door had been passed down in northeast Guizhou for at least 300 years. However, there is no definite documentary evidence to prove when the practice ended in this area. But one thing is certain, that is, when the practice of exorcising epidemics from door to door was still held in this area every year, the new form of Nuo evolved from the practice of exorcising epidemics from door to door - Chong Nuo Fanyuan was already performed.
The Chong Nuo ritual to fulfill one's vow had already taken shape during the reign of Emperor Qianlong at the latest. Hu Duan, a tribute student at the end of the reign of Emperor Qianlong, wrote an article entitled "Hu Duan's Ban on Duan Gong", criticizing and advocating the ban on Duan Gong activities:
In the land of Guizhou and Sichuan, the worst religious practice is Duan Gong. If it is not completely banned, it will surely cause great harm. I have seen their singing and dancing, jumping and circling, which are Miao steps; their long and graceful voices are Miao sounds; and the names of gods they call are Miao ethnic groups. This is Miao religion. Why do people compete to worship gods? Some people think it is witchcraft. Although witchcraft is ancient, saints did not ban it. Moreover, the ban on witchcraft has been popular since the Zhou and Qin dynasties, not just one generation. ... And the Duan Gong did not realize that they were deceived by the Miao, so they all followed his example and took it as a skill for clothing and food. They also used the ancient witches to respect themselves, decide disasters and blessings, and use gods to deceive and incite women. The common people were ignorant and believed the words of their family women, so they burned incense and made wishes, respected their gods, feared their ghosts, and competed to welcome Duan Gong to their homes, singing and dancing to pray to him. ... Therefore, it is said that if it is not completely banned, it will surely cause great harm [Duan Gongsheng at the end of Qianlong]. [⑨]
Judging from Hu Duan’s description, the activities of the Duangong he mentioned are basically the same as the Chong Nuo vow fulfillment that still exists in northeast Guizhou today. Hu Duan advocated banning the Duangong because at the end of the Qianlong period, “ignorant common people” “fought to welcome the Duangong to their homes.” Undoubtedly, the activities of the Duangong were extremely common in his time. It takes a certain amount of time for a folk custom to rise and flourish. In this way, the “Nuo competition with sacrifice” in the “Yuping County Chronicles” in the 20th year of the Qianlong period [⑩] should also be the Chong Nuo vow fulfillment activities.
After the middle of the Qing Dynasty, the records of Chong Nuo vows increased significantly. Several examples are as follows:
Jiaqing's "Hometown Stories":
If there is a minor illness, people would pour water and rice on it, which is called “pouring water and rice”. Sending incense and money is called “spreading flower plates”. If the illness is a little serious, they would invite a witch to perform a dance, which is called “chongluo” or “behind the stars”. However, those who know their fate will not talk about it. Gathering money and inviting monks and Taoists to drive away the plague is called “daqingjiao”. This is similar to the ancient Nuo. [11]
It is not difficult to see that the "Chongluo" mentioned by Fu Yushu was performed by the shaman invited by the patient's family, and it was no longer the Nuo of the villagers going door to door to expel the plague. Otherwise, he would not have said "Gathering money to invite monks and Taoists to expel the plague is called Daqingjiao. This is similar to the ancient Nuo."
Jiaqing Huangping Prefecture Chronicles:
Miao shamans are called ghost masters, while Han shamans are called duangong. Ghost masters use chickens, dogs and other animals, and sometimes cows. Han people often imitate this, but they do not use cow ears. Duangong uses pigs, sheep, chickens and ducks, each costing eight or nine taels. It is called Chongluo, and they dance and shout, with strange and unconventional words. There are many believers, and customs change people, and even wise people are not immune. [12]
Daoguang's "Songtao Zhili Hall Chronicle":
Returning to the Nuo ritual in winter is also a legacy of the ancient Fang Xiang clan. [13]
Daoguang "Yinjiang County Chronicles":
As for the Qingtan and Chongnu rituals, they all worshipped and believed in Duangong.[14]
The Chronicle of Liping Prefecture in the 18th year of the Guangxu period:
If the people are sick or evil, they should pray to witches to drive them away. Although it is not credible, it is not a big deal. But to jump to Duangong is extremely absurd. The god worshiped by Duan Gong has two ghost heads, one with a red face and long beard, called Master; the other with a female face, called Master Niang, which is called Fuxi and Nuwa. When the occasion comes, each person puts a piece of bamboo on his neck, with two strips of bamboo on the top and bottom, and clothes, leaning on the left and right sides of the case, and a large bowl below. There is a small case on the right, which is dedicated to the god Wu Yang, and there is also a small statue. The witch party beat gongs and drums here. The shaman may be dressed as a man or a woman. The man is dressed in a red skirt and wears the crown of the Seven Buddhas of Avalokitesvara. He ascends to the altar one by one, holding a sacred belt on his right hand and an ox horn on his left hand. He may play, sing or dance, and may bow and kneel to entertain the gods. Yin, if you are in love or admiration, the electric whirlwind is spinning. Late at night, the big witch waved his sleeves and waved his tactics, followed by the little witch wearing a ghost face and pretending to be the god of the earth. They came in and out after being ordered, saying that they would release the five rampages. After finishing the work, move the idol in front of the case, place it in a bowl, and sing a song to send it off. The servant then said that the god was gone. Li Ping, who was close to Chu, believed in ghosts and worshiped witches. This has been the case since ancient times. It is not surprising. According to legend, there is a person who catches the living soul to replace Duangong, which is the same as the so-called burying the soul and releasing the poison. If you believe it, you can't help it. [15]
The "Tiao Duangong" mentioned therein is the Chong Nuo ritual of fulfilling a vow that is still performed in northeastern Guizhou.
Guangxu Tongren Prefecture Chronicle:
There are many caves in the county, and there are gods in the caves. All women who have color will go out of the cave, or they may become sick and say they fall into the cave. People who fall into a hole are said to be taken away by gods, and if they are not treated urgently, they will die. The treatment method does not require medicine, it is a curse of witchcraft, and it is called beating gongs and drums. The god worshiped has two ghost heads, one with a red face and a long beard, called Mr. Luotou, and one with a female face, called the Empress of Luotou. It is called Fuxi Nuwa. When the occasion comes, each person has a piece of bamboo on his neck, two strips of bamboo on the bottom, and clothes, and leans on the left and right sides of the case. Take a big bowl down. The shaman party beat gongs and drums, wrapped their heads in red scarves, wore Guanyin Seven Buddha crowns, sang and danced on the altar, held an iron ring with a handle in the right hand, called the Master's Sword, with several small rings beside it, making a clanging sound, and held an ox horn in the left hand, or Blow, sing, dance, bow and kneel, the electric whirlwind spins, and the spectators are like a wall. Late at night, he moved the female statue into the patient's room and made it stand in a bowl. The shaman murmured a complaint and held a bamboo stick in his hand. Yan De means that the soul has been captured. When the fragrance is cold, the candle is thin, and the Yin energy attacks the person. Wherever the sound of the trumpet reaches, any woman suffering from this disease will be in a coma, and will wake up when the time comes. There will be shrimps, toads, bees, butterflies and other things in the room. I don’t know where to enter. A strange thing... There are four or five people in the Yunxiao God, all as short as five or six-year-old children. The families they own can make people rich, and all the treasures are stolen from others. Gods like to live upstairs, and their daily diet is the same as that of humans. Every meal must have wine and meat, and cups and plates are placed upstairs. At the end of the year, they recruit witches to sing and dance to reward them, which is called repaying wishes. All kinds of obscene plays are performed, and the audience is in a roar. When you have finished sending your wishes to the gods, you will entertain your relatives and friends with sacrifices. If it is not right, the gods will not be happy. The power of God is extremely small, and if there is any disobedience, he will leave immediately. When you leave, you will steal what you first stole from others and give it back to others. Therefore, I don’t really want to worship this god. Or if you ask a witch to pray and pray, it will be done properly, and you will not be troubled. This god is not male but female. When a girl marries, she follows her husband's family. But there was never any fornication. The talk of repaying a wish originated from the wizard. There are Luo wish, Xiao wish, and half Luo half Xiao wish, which are named after the wizard. Those who ask for sacrifices, if they don’t know each other, can laugh. [16]
The beating of gongs and drums mentioned here refers to Chong Nuo. The author of the historical records pointed out that "the theory of fulfilling a vow originated from wizards", which is undoubtedly very insightful.
"Shibing County Chronicles" of the Republic of China:
There are two types of vows: the vow of cancelling and the vow of performing a nuo. The person who makes a vow must repay it, just like fulfilling a debt. Some people repay once a year, and some repay twice every three years. When repaying the vow, many witches are invited to perform a play at home. However, the words used must be extremely obscene, and the gods are happy. The gods they worship are called the Holy Lord and the Holy Mother. Each time they repay the vow, they spend about dozens of strings of money, but only get two or three days of noise, which is incomprehensible. Chongluo and repaying vows, but Chongluo is for the sick to thank the gods, while repaying vows is also held every year to cure the disease. [17]
The "Shibing County Chronicles" not only briefly records the Chongluo vows, but also mentions the differences between Xiaoyuan and Nuoyuan, as well as the differences between Chongluo and vows.
Yanhe County Chronicles of the Republic of China:
Male shamans are called Duangong. When ordinary people are sick, they often do not believe in medicine and would curse Duangong. This is called "Dangong jumping". Dancing for one day is called "Dangshen"; dancing for three days is called "Da Taibao"; dancing for five to seven days is called "Danuo". This custom is practiced in both urban and rural areas, and it is practiced all the time in winter. Hu Duan's "On the Banning of Duangong" says: "In the land of Guizhou and Shu, the worst moral practice is Duangong. If it is not banned, it will cause great harm." This is also something that should be banned. [18]
The chronicle not only distinguishes the three nicknames of "Tiao Duangong" according to the local names, namely, Tiaoshen, Da Taibao and Danu, but also tells us that Tiao Duangong is very common in the local area, so-called "both urban and rural areas are influenced by this custom" and the activities are very frequent, so-called "there are always activities in winter".
"Cengong County Local Profile Survey Form" of the Republic of China:
During the twelfth month of winter, there are shamans who repay the wishes of the gods. They wear masks and dress up as Qin Tong Balang, Kaishan Dajiang, Xianfeng Niangzi, Liangshan Tudi, etc. They perform any humorous acts, so the music (Nuo) wishes are called the gods' wishes. It is believed that if they are not humorous, the gods will not enjoy the sacrifice. Finally, they dress up as a judge to end the ceremony. This is called "gouyuan". There are also people who repay the wishes of the plays, which are puppet shows. The time is divided into spring, summer, autumn and winter. However, the ones performed in summer are called rice seedling plays. The repayment of music (Nuo) wishes and the performance of the plays are both performed once a year. In recent years, there are people who call themselves offering sacrifices to the great Bodhisattva and ask the Duan Gong to do it. Pigs, chickens, cows, sheep, etc. must be slaughtered. [19]
When a disease strikes, the locals use the excuse that Guizhou is a land of ghosts and that offering sacrifices to ghosts is the way to ward off disaster. They then listen to the sorcerers’ tricks and perform rituals such as beating gongs and drums or performing rituals to replace the dead, which last for three or five days. There are also rituals that do not involve playing any musical instrument, which are called worshipping small Bodhisattvas. Another ritual is called burning rocks, which are performed as soon as they are started and dispersed, and do not cost much. [20]
From the above, we can see that after Nuo was introduced into northeastern Guizhou, a new form different from door-to-door exorcism existed. This new form is called differently in different places, such as Chongluo, Chongnuo, or returning Nuo vows, Luoyuan, returning vows, Leyuan, or playing gongs and drums, dancing Duangong, etc. Among them, Chongnuo (or gong) returning vows is the most common. And there is a proverb in northeastern Guizhou: "One Nuo can fight against thousands of ghosts, and one wish can satisfy thousands of gods." Therefore, we call it "Chongnuo returning vows". So, we have to ask, what is the difference between Chongnuo returning vows and door-to-door exorcism?
First, the door-to-door exorcism was a collective prayer activity for disaster relief held at a specific time and in a specific space. The Chong Nuo vow-fulfilling ceremony was no longer held at a specific time like the door-to-door exorcism. This can be seen from the description in the local chronicles cited above:
If the disease is a little serious, the shaman will be invited to perform a dance called Chongluo... "Sangzi Shuwen"
When people were sick or possessed by evil spirits, they would call in a witch to pray and expel them... "Liping Prefecture Records"
If a person has a disease, it is cursed by the Duangong, which is called "Tiao Duangong". It happens all the time in winter. "Yanhe County Chronicle"
Whenever there is a disease, they use the excuse that Guizhou is a ghost country and that they must offer sacrifices to ghosts in order to ward off disasters. They then listen to the sorcerers’ tricks and beat gongs and drums... "Cengong County Local Profile Survey Form"
It is not difficult to see that the Chong Nuo vow-fulfilling ceremony is mainly held when the head of the family is sick or unlucky, which breaks the restriction of taking place at a specific time of the year and is performed at the request of people. Since it is performed at the request of people, it breaks the restriction of once a year to expel the epidemic from door to door and takes place many times a year. "It happens at all times in winter" is the best proof.
Secondly, unlike the collective prayers for warding off diseases and disasters that take place in public spaces and in every household in a specific community, the Chongnu ritual is specifically for praying for the warding off diseases and disasters for a specific household, and most of the locations are in the main hall, courtyard, and a small area around it.
In addition, collective door-to-door exorcism is not for profit, but Chong Nuo vows are for profit. For the shamans who engage in this activity, Chong Nuo vows for the victims are their business. The more Chong Nuo vows they perform, the more income they earn.
Although there are many differences between the Chong Nuo vow-fulfilling and the door-to-door exorcism, the shadow of the door-to-door exorcism can still be seen in the Chong Nuo vow-fulfilling, which is mainly reflected in the purpose of the activity, the subject of the activity, and the specific events.
1. Private and public wishes
Tian Xingguo pointed out in his article "On the Occurrence of Wuling's Nuo Yuan - Also on the Relationship between Northern Nuo and Southern Nuo":
“Wish” is rooted in the psychological state of human existence, as well as expectations for goals, external objects, and certain realms, covering the entirety of human existence. The exorcism rituals in the Yellow River Basin in the north, especially in Dunhuang, express the essence of Buddha’s wishes. In the Yangtze River Basin in the south, especially in the Wuling area, the local witch culture (combined with Taoism) is the foundation, exorcism is used as a ritual performance method, combined with the wishes of folk life, and finally condensed into the “returning the wish” cultural form. In the absence of documentary support, folk cultural forms can only be discussed from the perspective of “occurrence” in the sense of cultural anthropology. [21]
As Tian Xingguo said, in terms of human survival, people's "wishes" are universal. Therefore, he emphasized that "Nuo wishes" should be studied in depth. What he said is very true. However, he believes that "in the absence of documentary support, folk cultural forms can only be discussed from the perspective of 'occurrence' in the sense of cultural anthropology", which the author cannot agree with. After all, documents are not the only material for discussing the "occurrence" of culture. Material remains in archaeology, myths and legends that are still alive in the local society, etc., are also important materials for discussing the occurrence of culture (especially folk cultural forms). Here we take the legend circulated in Dejiang County, Northeast Guizhou as an example to discuss the occurrence of Nuo wishes in local society.
Let's first look at a legend that is circulated locally. The story outline is as follows:
A long time ago, a group of Tujia cattle herders found two skulls, one male and one female, while bathing in the river. They took them to a cave and worshipped them. They made a lot of yellow mud figurines and placed them on both sides. They offered wild fruits as tributes, sang and danced around them, and made wishes to the two heads, asking them to protect the cattle from eating crops and not getting lost.
In the spring of the following year, plague broke out and many children fell ill. Medicines were ineffective. Later, people went to the cave where the cowherd had offered sacrifices to the human head, burned incense and made wishes. Soon, the sick children all recovered. People offered sacrifices to the human head in the cave as they had wished, and built an altar at the entrance of the cave, singing and dancing to thank the gods.
In the autumn of the next year, the Queen and the third princess suffered from diarrhea and all kinds of treatments failed. Later, they asked the Tujia people to bring the human heads from the cave to the palace for a performance, and they recovered. The Emperor found that the two heads were cut off by his order, so he named them the Holy Lord of Dongshan and the Holy Mother of Nanshan, and gave them a place to continue to bring good luck and blessings to mankind and eliminate disasters. The two heads turned into a blue light and ascended to heaven. People carved the two heads out of wood for worship, and carved many wooden face shells for dance, which has been passed down to this day. [22]
According to this legend, the earliest Dejiang Nuo vows began with the worship of two human heads when Wangniuwa was herding cattle. The efficacy of worshiping human heads has evolved from guarding cattle to plague and individual diseases, and finally gained a legal status in society and a place. This implies the following message: the wish for two human heads (actually the Nuo father and mother worshipped in the Nuo Hall) has undergone a change from a public wish (people as a group) to a private wish (the queen and the three princesses). The Chong Nuo vows we see now are all private wishes. The purpose of the door-to-door exorcism is actually to mix private wishes with public wishes (held collectively, except for public places, every household must attend). In other words, the public wish plus private wish of the door-to-door exorcism itself has the potential to develop into a private wish of Chong Nuo vows.
In the Wuling Mountain area in northeastern Guizhou, “witchcraft is prevalent”. “When there is an illness or evil spirit, people will call a witch to cure it”. The Records of Sinan Prefecture in the Jiajing period of the Ming Dynasty states: “When someone is sick, they will believe in witches and doctors, and worship ghosts. When guests arrive, they will beat drums to welcome them.”[23] The Records of Tongren Prefecture in the Daoguang period of the Qing Dynasty states: “The county is located upstream of Chenchang, and the Han and Miao peoples of the various chieftains live together. Many people like witchcraft and believe in ghosts, and even the wise and the noble are not immune. They have a lot of Chu style.”[24] The remote location, poor transportation, and natural environment of mountain fog and changing clouds and mist provided unique conditions for the prevalence of witchcraft, and the tradition of believing in witches was preserved for a long time. All of this provided a breeding ground for the growth of Nuo in the area. After Nuo, which has the nature of witchcraft and plays a religious role, gained a firm foothold in northeastern Guizhou, it was combined with “believing in witches and doctors” to drive away epidemics from door to door. After many individual households called in witches to cure diseases and make wishes, it became the private Nuo that we see today. As the Shibing County Annals of the Republic of China stated: “Chongluo and fulfilling vows, but Chongluo is for the sick to thank the gods, while fulfilling vows is also held annually if the patient is well.”[25] The Tongren Prefecture Annals of the Guangxu period pointed out: “The concept of fulfilling vows originated from wizards. There are Luo vows, Xiao vows, and half-Luo and half-Xiao vows, named after the wizard.”[26] It can be seen that wizards played an active role in the evolution from public vows to private vows.
2. The Cowboy and the Child
The Chong Nuo vow-fulfilling ritual in Dejiang is also called "Boat God" by the locals. The wizards who perform Chong Nuo vow-fulfilling rituals are called "Boat God Masters". Most of these Boat God Masters are born as cowherds. When I was investigating in Dejiang, I interviewed Mr. Zhang Yufu, the inheritor of the national Nuotang Opera. When asked why Nuotang Opera has so many so-called "obscene" contents, Mr. Zhang explained it this way:
After the cowboy sang, people’s illnesses were cured. The boat god came from that time. So we are descended from the cowboy. He always speaks nonsense, is uncivilized, and says all kinds of nonsense. When performing a play, he always says all kinds of nonsense. [27]
The identity of the cowherd boy mentioned by Mr. Boat God himself reminds us of the 侲子 in the exorcism team and the children dressed in women's makeup who were more common in the exorcism team later. Mr. Kang Baocheng made a detailed study of the 侲 (witch) boy in "The Origin and Development of Nuo Opera Art" and clearly pointed out the role of the witch boy in the evolution from Nuo to opera[28]. In Dejiang, Mr. Boat God is a witch, and Mr. Boat God comes from the cowherd boy, which means that the cowherd boy is also the witch boy mentioned by Mr. Kang. The door-to-door exorcism recorded in the aforementioned Jiajing "Guizhou General Records" also has children as the protagonist. In this way, Mr. Boat God, as the protagonist of the Nuo vow, claimed that he was born as a cowherd boy, which does not seem to be a random fabrication of folk legends. From this, we can also see a slight connection between door-to-door exorcism and Nuo vows.
Not only that, the similarities between Mr. Boat God and the Chuang Tong can also be seen from his attire when he performed the Nuo ritual to fulfill his vow.
When the boat god performs the Chong Nuo ritual to fulfill his vow, he mainly wears a headband, a robe, and a skirt. The headband is a Guanyin Seven Buddhas Crown. After putting it on, two paper money flowers are inserted on the two sides at the back. "There are two kinds of robes: one is called Taiji Bagua robe; the other is called Wulong Pengta robe." "The Taiji Bagua robe is bright red or light red..." "The Wulong Pengta robe is dark red..." [29] Whether it is the bright red or light red Taiji Bagua robe or the dark red Wulong Pengta robe, they are all red. Not only that, the robes I saw during my investigation in Dejiang were made of the red quilt cover commonly used for weddings in rural areas. The skirt is a red silk skirt, mainly made of red cloth, with other colored strips of cloth sewn together. When the boat god performs the Chong Nuo ritual to fulfill his vow, he "wears clothes and a hat" and wears flowers on his head (although they are paper money flowers). He is dressed in women's clothes, which reminds us of the black clothes and red skirts of the Nuo people, and the common "dressing boys as women's clothes" in the Nuo rituals of the villagers.
The fact that the boat god was born as a cowboy and that he wore women’s clothing when performing the Nuo ritual to fulfill his vows shows us that he is related to the Nuo ritual of the villagers who went from door to door to exorcise plague. The lyrics of the boat god’s song further reveal his role in the transformation of the Nuo ritual from door to door to fulfill his vows: “Spend paper money, spend paper money, go from one family to another to perform the Nuo ritual to fulfill my vows.”[30]
Moreover, the contents of Mr. Boat God's activities during the Chongnu festival to fulfill his vows more clearly tell us his blood relationship with the practice of expelling plagues from door to door.
3. Shipbuilding, clearing fire and exorcising evil spirits, and Nuo boats to ward off disasters
In the activities of Mr. Boat God’s Chong Nuo vow fulfillment, there is a link called “building a boat and clearing fire”. “Building a boat is to build a boat to send away the plague god. The five plague gods, evil spirits, and ghosts are taken to the boat by means of magic and sent to other places. ‘Clearing fire’ is a reflection of fire worship. Fire is lit and spells are chanted to drive away evil and plague. Sometimes, killing plows is also performed.”[31] Obviously, Chong Nuo vow fulfillment inherited some of the activities of exorcising plague from door to door. In the Jiajing "Guizhou General Records", there is a "straw boat". In fact, the Nuo boat to ward off disasters is a common form of exorcising plague from door to door.[32] In addition, the clearing fire link still retains the activity of searching for rooms to exorcise plague. The author participated in the Chong Nuo vow fulfillment activities in Dejiang and experienced this link personally. Although there were not many people, only two or three boat gods plus young people who helped the victim's family, a team of four or five people, every time they arrived at a room, they shouted loudly, and used soybeans (one said it was flying sand and rocks, specifically hitting demons and ghosts; another said it was horse food, and wherever it was scattered, the divine soldiers would drive away the ghosts) to drive away the evil spirits in the room, especially in the corners, and then close the door and use divination to see if the evil spirits have been driven out. If they have been driven out, they will stick chicken feathers on the lintel to "block the door" and paste talismans to ward off evil spirits. [33] In short, in the current Chong Nuo vows, we can clearly see the content of the rural Nuo of shouting to drive away evil spirits, searching the room for epidemics, and sending away the plague god with a boat.
The activities of returning the Nuo vows in Xiangxi, which is also located in the Wuling Mountain area and adjacent to northeastern Guizhou, also retain the practice of exorcising the plague from door to door. They are listed here as circumstantial evidence:
All illnesses except medical treatment were handled by the witches. If someone was ill, they would go to the temple to pray for help and offer sacrifices and wine. If they recovered, they would be rewarded. The great Nuo ritual was performed. Two images of the Nuo gods, male and female, were placed in the hall, and sacrifices, food and wine were offered. The witches wore paper masks and acted out ancient stories like actors. They also wore armor and held axes, and went through the rooms, beating drums and ringing gongs, dancing and singing, as if to exorcise something. This lasted for more than a day. [34]
4. The implications of Nuo couplets
When performing Nuo rituals to fulfill one's vow, a Nuo hall must be set up. The Nuo couplets in the Nuo hall also hint at the close connection between expelling the plague from door to door and performing Nuo rituals to fulfill one's vow:
The Five Mountains sing songs of joy about the prosperous times, and the Three Greens are happy to see the villagers perform Nuo.
The auspicious snowflakes flying in the sky help me to perform the Nuo opera in the temple, and the fragrance of winter plum blossoms comforts the heart of the believer Jiandi. [35]
"The three greens are happy to see the villagers performing Nuo" points out to us the role of Taoism in the evolution of exorcising epidemics from door to door into the Nuo performance of fulfilling vows, while "the auspicious snow and catkins flying to the sky help me to perform the child's play in the Nuo hall" reveals that the "child's play" of exorcising epidemics from door to door entered the Nuo hall and became a Nuo hall play, and "comfort the believers and the emperor's heart" is the clear evidence of the fulfillment of the vow.
In summary, whether from the purpose of the activity, the identity and dress of the participants, or the content of the activity and the couplets in the Nuo Hall, the shadow of the door-to-door exorcism can be seen in the Chong Nuo Fulfilling Vow. In other words, in northeast Guizhou, the Chong Nuo Fulfilling Vow was formed on the basis of the door-to-door exorcism, and it is a new form of the door-to-door exorcism that has mutated in this area.
IV. Conclusion
From the written records in the "Guizhou General Records" of the Jiajing period to the graphic presentation in the "Illustrated History of the Miao and Man in Southern Guizhou" of the Guangxu period, the basic form of the folk Nuo - door-to-door exorcism - has been passed down in the northeastern Guizhou region for at least three hundred years. In the process of the inheritance of door-to-door exorcism in this region, a new form of Nuo culture - Chong Nuo fulfillment of vows - has also evolved. It is still unknown when Chong Nuo fulfillment of vows first appeared in this region, but according to relevant documents, it was formed no later than the Qianlong period of the Qing Dynasty. Chong Nuo fulfillment of vows is obviously different from door-to-door exorcism, but the shadow of door-to-door exorcism can still be seen in it. In essence, Chong Nuo fulfillment of vows evolved on the basis of door-to-door exorcism. Door-to-door exorcism evolved into Chong Nuo fulfillment of vows, and the witch played an important role in it.
[Author profile] Xu Gangwei (1981-), male, from Jiaxian County, Henan Province, PhD candidate in the Department of Chinese Language and Literature, Sun Yat-sen University. (Guangzhou, Guangdong, 510275)
*This article is a phased result of a major project of the China Intangible Cultural Heritage Research Center of Sun Yat-sen University, a key research base of the Ministry of Education, entitled "Investigation and Compilation of Southwestern Nuo Opera Texts" (Project No.: 2009JJD850005).
[①] For details, see Kang Baocheng, The Origin and Development of Nuo Opera Art, Guangzhou: Guangdong Higher Education Press, 2005, pp. 12-49.
[②] Kang Baocheng, The Origin and Development of Nuo Opera Art, Guangzhou: Guangdong Higher Education Press, 2005, p. 38.
[③] The northeastern Guizhou region mentioned in this article includes the entire current Tongren City, some counties and districts of Zunyi City, and some counties and districts of Qiandongnan Prefecture.
[④] Zhang Zichen, “The Spread and Variation of Chinese Nuo Culture”, Journal of Beijing Normal University (Social Sciences Edition), No. 2, 1991.
[⑤] Li Lan, Re-creation of Faith: Nuo in the Anthropological Perspective, Kunming: Yunnan People’s Publishing House, 2008, p. 204.
[⑥] Ming Dynasty: Xie Dongshan, Zhang Dao et al., compiled: Guizhou General Records, the 34th year of the Jiajing reign, a copy of the Jiajing edition in the Tianyi Pavilion of the Guizhou Provincial Library borrowed from Yunnan University in 1982; Huang Jiafu and Duan Zhihong, eds., China Local Records Collection: Guizhou Prefecture and County Records, Vol. 1, Chengdu: Bashu Publishing House, 2006, p. 268.
[⑦] Tian Wen, ed., Guizhou Books (Volume 1), Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1985, p. 17.
[⑧] The image used is from Li Delong, Research on the Illustrated History of Miao and Man in Southern Guizhou, Beijing: Minzu University of China Press, 2008, p. 276. The original image is kept in the Minzu University of China Library. Since photography is not allowed, the original image cannot be used.
[⑨] Qing Dynasty: Ping Han et al., compiled by Zheng Zhen and Mo Youzhi: Zunyi Prefecture Records (Volume 1); Huang Jiafu and Duan Zhihong, eds.: Collection of Chinese Local Records: Collection of Guizhou Prefecture and County Records, Volume 32, reprinted from the Daoguang 21st year edition, Chengdu: Bashu Publishing House, 2006, p. 418.
[⑩] Zhao Qinxiu and Tian Rong of the Qing Dynasty: Yuping County Chronicles, compiled in the 20th year of Qianlong’s reign, mimeographed in Guizhou Provincial Library in 1965, page 20.
[11] Fu Yushu of the Qing Dynasty, “Stories from My Hometown”, completed in the third year of Jiaqing reign, reproduced in 1963 by Guizhou Provincial Library from the engraved edition in the collection of Chengfan Fu family, edited by Huang Jiafu and Duan Zhihong, “Collection of Chinese Local Chronicles: Collection of Guizhou Prefectures and Counties Chronicles”, vol. 24, Chengdu: Bashu Publishing House, 2006, p. 498.
[12] Li Taixiu and Wang Fuyong of the Qing Dynasty: Huangping Prefecture Chronicle, 1965 edition, reproduced in mimeograph form by Guizhou Provincial Library based on the supplementary edition of 1965, Huang Jiafu and Duan Zhihong, eds.: Collection of Chinese Local Chronicles: Collection of Guizhou Prefectures and Counties Chronicles, Vol. 20, Chengdu: Bashu Publishing House, 2006 edition, p. 73.
[13] Xiao Guan of the Qing Dynasty: Songtao Zhili Tingzhi, vol. 32, printed in the 16th year of the Daoguang reign of the Qing Dynasty (1836), 6 volumes, collected by Guizhou Provincial Library, page 6.
[14] Zheng Tufan, Qing Dynasty: Yinjiang County Annals, photocopied from the lithographed edition compiled in the 17th year of Daoguang reign of the Qing Dynasty and reprinted in the 24th year of the Republic of China, Chinese Local Chronicles Series: South China, No. 278, Taipei: Chengwen Publishing House, 1974, p. 10.
[15] Yu Weixiu and Chen Yu of the Qing Dynasty: Liping Prefecture Records (Volume 1), printed by the Liping Prefecture Records Bureau in the 18th year of the Guangxu period; Huang Jiafu and Duan Zhihong, eds.: Collection of Chinese Local Records: Collection of Guizhou Prefecture and County Records, Volume 17, Chengdu: Bashu Publishing House, 2006, pp. 173-174.
[16] Yu Shanghua, Yu Xun and Hu Changsong, Qing Dynasty: Tongren Prefecture Chronicle, edited and collated based on the reduced edition of the Republic of China, compiled by the Archives Office of the Tongren Prefectural Committee of the Communist Party of China in Guizhou Province and the Party and Mass Editorial Office of the Tongren District Chronicles of Guizhou Province, Guiyang: Guizhou Nationalities Publishing House, 1992, p. 28.
[17] Zhu Siyuan, Qian Guangguo, et al., Shibing County Annals, 1910, 2 volumes (unpublished), mimeographed by Guizhou Provincial Library in 1965, Huang Jiafu and Duan Zhihong, eds., China Local Annals Collection: Guizhou Prefecture and County Annals, Vol. 19, Chengdu: Bashu Publishing House, 2006, p. 542.
[18]Yang Huayu and Tan Mengdu, Yanhe County Chronicles, reprinted from the 1943 lead-printed edition, Chinese Local Chronicles Series: South China, No. 280, Taipei: Chengwen Publishing House, 1974, p. 338.
[19] Yan Chanli, ed., Survey Form of Local Situation in Cengong County, mimeographed in 1948, Volume 4 of Twelve Unpublished County Chronicles of Guizhou during the Republic of China, collected by Guizhou Provincial Chronicles Office, pp. 11-12.
[20] Yan Chanli, ed., Survey Form of Local Situation in Cengong County, mimeographed in 1948, Volume 4 of Twelve Unpublished County Chronicles of Guizhou during the Republic of China, collected by Guizhou Provincial Chronicles Office, p. 13.
[21] Tian Xingguo, “On the Origin of Wuling’s Nuo Festival – and the Relationship between Northern Nuo and Southern Nuo”, Silk Road, No. 22, 2012, Special Issue of the International Academic Symposium on Silk Road Culture and Chinese National Literature, pp. 17-21.
[22] Li Hualin, ed., Dejiang Nuotang Opera, Guiyang: Guizhou Nationalities Publishing House, 1993, pp. 6-8.
[23] Ming Dynasty: Hong Jiaxiu, Zhong Tianzan, Tian Qiu, Sinan Prefecture Records, Jiajing 16th year edition, reprinted by Shanghai Ancient Books Store in 1962 based on the Ningbo Tianyi Pavilion edition; Huang Jiafu and Duan Zhihong, eds., China Local Records Collection: Guizhou Prefecture and County Records (Volume 43), Chengdu: Bashu Publishing House, 2006, p. 56.
[24] Jing Wenxiu and Xu Rushu of the Qing Dynasty: Tongren Prefecture Chronicle, engraved in the fourth year of Daoguang’s reign (1824), mimeographed in 1965 in eight volumes, now in the collection of Guizhou Provincial Library, page 28.
[25] Zhu Siyuan, Qian Guangguo, et al., Shibing County Annals, 1910, 2 volumes (unpublished), 1965 Guizhou Provincial Library reprinted mimeographed edition, Huang Jiafu and Duan Zhihong, eds., China Local Annals Collection: Guizhou Prefecture and County Annals, Vol. 19, Chengdu: Bashu Publishing House, 2006, p. 542.
[26] Yu Shanghua, Yu Xun and Hu Changsong, Qing Dynasty: Tongren Prefecture Chronicle, edited and collated based on the reduced edition of the Republic of China, compiled by the Archives Office of the Tongren Prefectural Committee of the Communist Party of China in Guizhou Province and the Party and Mass Editorial Office of the Tongren District Chronicles of Guizhou Province, Guiyang: Guizhou Nationalities Publishing House, 1992, p. 28.
[27] Data obtained by the author during field research in Dejiang on December 16, 2012. Data provided by Zhang Yuefu. Location: Mr. Zhang Yufu’s home in Tiekeng Village, Wenping Town, Dejiang County.
[28] For details, see Kang Baocheng, The Origin and Development of Nuo Opera Art, Guangzhou: Guangdong Higher Education Press, 2005, pp. 326-340.
[29] Li Hualin, ed., Dejiang Nuotang Opera, Guiyang: Guizhou Nationalities Publishing House, 1993, p. 38.
[30] Data obtained by the author during field research in Dejiang on December 25, 2012, at An Mingyu’s home in Tanjia’ao Village, Shuijingwan, Dejiang. Data provided by Zhang Yuefu. The author participated in and observed the Chong Nuo activity held at An Mingyu’s home. The chief performer of the Chong Nuo was Zhou Quanyou, and Zhang Yufu was invited to participate. The data cited is Zhang Yuefu’s singing in the section “Highly Hitting the Yin and Yang Bridges”.
[31] Li Hualin, ed., Dejiang Nuotang Opera, Guiyang: Guizhou Nationalities Publishing House, 1993, p. 196.
[32] Zeng Zhigong: “A Preliminary Study on the “Nuo Boat” to Avert Disasters: A Discussion on the “Building Boats to Avert Plagues” in Linwu County as a Nuo Vow”
[33] This is based on what the author saw during field research in Dejiang County in 2012. The three times I saw this were on December 21, 2012, at the home of Zhang Lianbiao in the Zaojiaodui group in Guancha Village, Chaodi Town; on December 23, 2012, at the home of Yang Guangqi in the Zhangxianjie group in Shangping Village, Gonghe Township; and on December 25, 2012, at the home of An Mingyu in the Qinjiaao Village in Shuijingwan.
[34] (Qing Dynasty) Fu Weilin, compiled by Lu Maoheng; Xie Baowen, Liu Pei: Longshan County Annals, reprinted from the revised edition of the fourth year of Guangxu (1878), edited by Jiangsu Ancient Books Publishing House: China Local Annals Collection: Hunan Prefecture and County Annals, Volume 75, Nanjing: Jiangsu Ancient Books Publishing House, 2002, pp. 113-114.
[35] Excerpted from a copy of the 1912 version of the sutra by Lu Jizhou (dharma name Lu Fagui), the head altar master of the Wu group in Zhangtun Village, Bapan Township, Jiangkou County. The author read the copy on January 27, 2013 while investigating the fulfillment of Nuo vows at the home of Xue Shangde, a villager from Haijiagou Village, Taipingjia Group, Hezhai Village, Bapan Township, Jiangkou County.
Source: Folklore Blog [Editor: CFNEditor]
